KCK Eşbaşkanı Cemil Bayık geçtiğimiz haftaki açıklamasında “1 Eylül’e Türkçe’ den Mahmut Hamsici’ye bir röportaj vermiş ve 1 Eylül tarihini. Fotograflar İlker Akgüngör Türkiye ve Ortadoğuda kim PKK ile ortak Cemil Bayık ile söyleşi (30 Ocak )-Tam metin . O tarihten beri biz hep Kürt sorununun demokratik, siyasal yöntemle çözülmesinde ısrar ediyoruz. Cemil Bayık . 13 Ocak tarihinde Çınar, Diyarbakır’da PKK tarafından içerisinde polis lojmanları bulunan İlçe Emniyet Müdürlüğü’ne düzenlenen bombalı.
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At his funeral, in Ordu, the Kurdistan Revolutionaries were present, but torn by grieve no one ttarihi been able to address the crowd. For them, such a bond could byak be the product of struggle, a common struggle from equally important, but different positions, i.
The text is of particular significance politically since it was published a few months before the Kurdistan Revolutionaries established their organization as a political party, in November In this article, we will attempt to make sense of the PKK in terms of its vision of and relation to the left. On the other hand, it should be noted that the Kurdish movement in Turkey in general bayj the s has been influenced by the leftist movements of the period.
A few words on that before wrapping up. Unlike most Kurdish political parties, which have adopted a rather conservative outlook and been organized around tribal leaders and structures, the PKK originated from the left in Turkey traihi drew its leaders, members and militants from the disenfranchised and marginalized.
In this speech, Che had lashed out at the left by saying:.
Haki Karer … was engaged in an intensive ideological struggle against social-chauvinism and bourgeois-nationalism.
However, it would be wrong to characterize it in military or similar terms. However, this account and interpretation of the events surrounding the death of his brother was only made by Baki Karer after he had left the party inseven years after the killing.
Finally, one could make the case that the Four-Nation Summit in Istanbul turned all eyes east of the Euphrates river where Turkey is determined to conduct a military operation against terrorist groups. Leiden, New York, Cologne: In other words, the Pmk National Liberation Struggle will free the Left in Turkey from its social-chauvinist illness. They were among the brightest students cemll their year personal communication with Ibrahim Aydin, That movement has the intention to unite [the divided ppkk left in Turkey].
Place of publication unknown. The idea of a common purpose or perspective faded away. Concretely this meant separate organization. It was on the following day that Haki was killed. According to the PKK such a unification of the left could only take place in the context of an ideological transformation: Tactical preparations had taken much time.
Colonialism was a phenomenon that occurred in the historical stage of imperialism, and Turkey could not be an imperialist country since it itself had the status of semi -colony:.
Crafting Space, Making People: Marxist theory of colonialism shows cemkl in the age of imperialism a dependent country which is not capitalist by its internal dynamic but has a kind of distorted capitalism such as Turkey historically cannot establish a colonialist relationship.
In the election, in which about delegates participated, representing ten times that number of students, eleven representatives were elected, and added to the official board of seven.
Dev-Yol a, b, a, b. femil
For Haki Karer, argued the Kurdistan Revolutionaries, this social-chauvinist attitude not recognizing the legitimacy of the liberation struggle in Kurdistan had been an important reason to get involved in the construction of this liberation movement:. The core group members of the Kurdistan Revolutionaries and later the PKK were university students from low and lower-middle class backgrounds. After the closure, however, bxyk circles, strengthened by the released cadres, started to establish their own organizations.
This contradiction had tarhi divergent left-wing nationalisms, one Turkish the other Kurdish, instead of a revolutionary left in Turkey. Guevara, Ernesto Tricontinental Conference Speech. New Perspectives on Turkey.
In short, they did not simply announce the existence of a new organization, journal or party, but started to work on a mobilizing structure and a distinct ideology. The colony argument was mainly developed on an understanding of the status of Kurdistan as dependent country. This marked the temporary end of an organized left.
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One of those meetings was the Dikmen meeting innamed after the neighborhood in Ankara where the gathering took place. These talks took place in cemul rather strained atmosphere, and under a continuous threat of violence.
Against the proletariat in Turkey stands a bourgeoisie of Turkey. To be clear, those are all reasonable — and partly correct — answers.
Hendek operasyonları – Vikipedi
The main publication we have used for this study, however, has been a booklet commemorating the killing of Haki Karer in At the beginning of the s Ankara was a main center of the radical left.
In these works, Dev-Yol defines the relationship between the Turkish and Kurdish nation in terms of oppressor and oppressed. There are several ways to answer that question. Others maintain that U.
In addition to legitimizing the group, this policy would made it possible for YPG militants to have a seat at the negotiating table. Is this how you organized the funeral? However, it would ceemil wrong to conclude that the animosity toward the left was stronger than their aversion to Kurdish nationalism.